Rational Choice Theory Essay

â€Å"Man is a rational animal who always loses his temper when he is called upon to act in accordance with the dictates of reason. † As seen from Oscar Wilde’s famous quote, rationality is one of the most crucial and controversial subjects in studying human behavior. To study and examine this rationality, numerous scholars have tried to establish their own theories and generalize their explanation with empirical evidences from real world, which ultimately produces so called, the theory of rational choice. Rational Choice Theory is an approach to understand human behavior. The approach has long been the dominant paradigm in economics, but in recent several decades it has become more widely used in other fileds such as Sociology, Political Science, and Anthropology. The main purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of rational choice theory and briefly discuss its basic assumptions, critiques, political implication, and alternative explanations of individual choice mechanism. First of all, historical backgrounds of rational choice theory and its transition from the field of Economics to that of Political Science will be elaborated. Next, various definitions and meanings of the rational choice will be discussed. The basic assumptions of the rational choice approach with political implication will be followed. Several issues raised by rational choice theory will be followed after this discussion. This paper will suggest some of the main criticisms that have been levied against the rational choice approach. Limited empirical validity of rational choice theory and methodological individualism, which reveals innate problematic nature of the theory, will be discussed. Finally, alternative explanations of individual choice mechanism will sum up this discussion. Before elaborating its theoretical discussion, it is necessary to discuss historical backgrounds of rational choice theory. In the article, â€Å"A Genealogy of Rational Choice: Rationalism, Elitism, and Democracy†, Maloy introduces Skinner’s analysis of behaviorism as fundamental background for the discussion of rational choice theory. He argues that, â€Å"Skinner’s analysis deserves the attention of the recent debates around rational choice ecause it calls attention to the ineluctable ideological features of methodological debate† (Maloy 751). According to Maloy, Skinner could â€Å"clarify the sorts of normative force which attach to empirical theories in social sciences by a close textual analysis of some leading contributions to the behaviorist debate†, which ultimately enables the discussion of rational choice to be furthered applied into different fields of study (Maloy 751). Milton Freidman is another crucial figure that provides profound theoretical base for discussing rational choice theory. In â€Å"The Methodology of Positive Economics†, Friedman argues that people and firms make decisions that can maximize their profit under perfect information. He defended rational choice model by arguing that, â€Å"a theory should be judged by its predictive accuracy, not the realism of its assumptions† (Friedman 10). His argument provides theoretical foundations of rational choice theory in Economics, even though it is often criticized by later scholars because of its weak empirical validity and ceteris paribus nature. While rational choice theory has been dominant paradigm in Economics, it has become â€Å"adapted and adjusted in a number of ways to fit† different fields of study such as Political Science; Maloy explains that â€Å"the distinctiveness of the rational choice approach among political scientists consists, in general terms, in the use of economic models to explain and predict political behavior (Maloy 753). Maloy points out three prominent figures, Arrow, Downs, and Olson as rational choice founders especially in the field of political science. According to Maloy, Arrow’s work focuses on so called, â€Å"collective rationality whose underlying purpose is to measure collective choices using standards normally applied to individual choices (Maloy 753). Down uses Arrow’s collective rationality as the starting point of his study and â€Å"aims to articulate a behavior rule for democratic governments so that they could be included in economic theories of general equilibrium, alongside non-state agents like private firms and consumers (Maloy 754). Finally, Olson’s analysis has taken â€Å"the key elements of Arrow’s and Down’s constructs and applied them to a narrower field†; He argues that â€Å"as long as the service provided by a voluntary association is a public good on which an individual can ride-free, there is no incentive actually to take on the costs associated with joining, membership and participation, unless the marginal contribution of that individual appreciably advances the organizational cause† (Maloy 754). All three choice founders’ works have enabled rational choice theory to be in the central place of political discussion in â€Å"the creative and cross-disciplinary ways† (Maloy 755). By arguing that voting results have no specific social meaning, voting has no individual efficacy, and participation in interest group activity has no special individual efficacy, these rational choice founders could criticize unrealistic and irrational assumptions and norms of traditional democratic system and bring rational choice model to the place of political discussion from the field of Economics (Maloy 755). Rational Choice Theory generally starts with consideration of the choice behavior of individual decision-making units, which in economics are often consumers and firms. The theory suggests that the individual decision-making unit is certain larger group such as buyers or sellers in a particular market. Once individual behavior is set up, the analysis generally moves on to examine how individual choices interact to produce outcomes. Then, what does it mean by arguing that a choice is rational? In rational choice theory it means that an agent’s choices reflect the most preferred possible alternative among given opportunities. In other words, choices must reflect utility maximization. Elinor Ostrom defines rational choice theory as a guide to â€Å"understand humans as self-interested, short-term maximizers† in his work, â€Å"A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action† (Ostrom 2). In the article, â€Å"The Political Psychology of Rational Choice Theory†, William H.  Riker also suggests that â€Å"the rational choice model begins with the assumption that actors know what they want and can order their wants transitively† (Riker 25). â€Å"Transitively† here means that an agent of rational choice model can do so called, â€Å"a transitive ordering†; â€Å"To know what one wants requires one to choose the best from among several goals and, failing to attain it, to choose the second best, etc† (Riker 24). This formulation of ordering enables an agent to pursue the best option with given constraints that limit choices he or she can have. In their work, â€Å"Rational Choice Theory†, Coleman and Fararo define rational choice sociologically as they use the term, â€Å"models of purposive action†, rather than rational choice; â€Å"These models rest on the assumption that actors are purposive which means they act in ways that tend to produce beneficial results† (Coleman and Fararo 21). These several definitions point out that choices pursuing utility maximization and outcomes made by these choices are key elements in rational choice theory. Then how is different when rational choice theory is applied into the field of Political Science instead of other fields of study such as Economics and Sociology? According to Riker, Economists’ main concern for rational choice is â€Å"the process and outcomes produced by voluntary exchange, where of course, all participants benefit. On the other hand, â€Å"Politics mainly concerns processes and outcomes produced by group decisions which are practically binding on those who cannot resign from the group. Thus, there can be losers and winners in politics according to Riker’s argument (Riker 24). Although Rational choice theory has long been the dominant paradigm in Economics and other fields of study, it has been subject to vigorous criticism. In â€Å"Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory†, Don Green and Ian Shapiro raises several empirical problems that rational choice theory possess; they â€Å"conclude that a number of methodological deficiencies plague empirical applications of rational choice models. They argue that, â€Å"fundamental and recurrent methodological failings rooted in the universalist aspirations that motivate so much rational choice theorizing† (Freidman 59). According to Green and Shapiro, â€Å"these mistakes stem from a method-driven rather than a problem-driven approach to research, in which practitioners are more eager to vindicate one or another universalist model than to understand and explain actual political outcomes† (Friedman 59). Green and Shapiro’s argument can be summarized into three propositions; â€Å"there is a list of methodological characteristics that are undesirable in an empirical science and are thus to be avoided. † â€Å"Empirical applications of rational choice theory are more likely to commit these mistakes than other types of empirical analysis in political science. â€Å"These pathologies are not due to and historical coincidence, but are rooted in fundamental characteristics of rational choice theory, especially its universalist aspirations and the lack of specificity in the rational actor assumption† (Freidman 60). These propositions suggest that rational choice theory has its empirical limit for testing and predicting actual political outcomes. In detail, Green and Shapiro point out several problems of rational choice theory that possibly undermines the empirical validity of the theory itself. Post hoc theory development† known to statisticians as â€Å"curve fitting† is one of these problems that rational choice theory contains. Green and Shapiro â€Å"contend that rather than formulating bold predictions that are falsifiable by empirical evidence, rational choice theorist tend first to look at the empirical evidence, then design a rational choice model that fits it† (Friedman 5). Another problem raised by Green and Shapiro is rational choice theorists’ engagement in â€Å"arbitrary domain restriction† (Friedman 5). As discussed earlier, certain restrictions or constraints enable â€Å"a transitive ordering† in rational choice theory. Green and Shapiro argue that these constraints and restrictions are defined in ambiguous ways in rational choice model, which ultimately makes the empirical validity of the theory weakened. Green and Shapiro’s examination of the phenomenon of voting behavior is another major example that shows these problems rational choice theory innately possesses. â€Å"In a real-world election with a large electorate, it is instrumentally irrational for anyone to case a ballot, since no single vote has more than an infinitesimal chance of deciding the outcome. Whether one favors selfish or selfless ends, virtually any activity in pursuit of those ends would be more effective than the time spent on voting and on educating oneself about candidates and issues. Yet hundreds of millions of people do vote. For rational choice theory, this would appear to be a gigantic anomaly† (Friedman 6); As noted earlier, rational choice theory presumes that an agent of the model seeks best possible outcomes to maximize his or her utility in given constraints. However, according to Green and Shapiro, in a real-world voting behavior does not confirm this assumption of rational choice theory where voters cast a ballot without having enough time to assess or predict its possible outcome and realizing whether his or her action of voting maximize benefit or not. Another issue raised by Green and Shapiro is free riding problem; While voters can easily pursue a free riding action on the efforts of others to help the cause succeed, there is no need for people to devote resources of time and money to cause desired results. In other words, â€Å"rational choice theory would seem to be refuted not only by people who vote, but by those who contribute small amounts of money to political campaigns, attend rallies, and engage in other forms of collective action designed to secure goals whose achievement is independent of the efforts of any single participant† (Friedman 7). As seen from Green and Shapiro’s founding, most criticisms of rational choice theory seem to be that the assumptions of the theory are not literally and completely true. No model can pass such a test, as all theories abstract from reality in certain way. Determining the empirical validity of a model would therefore seem to involve an examination of both feasibility of assumptions and conformity with real-world data. The most basic assumption of rational choice theory is that the primary unit of analysis is the individual decision-maker. Those who believe that groups are fundamental have criticized this assumption. This issue of so called, â€Å"methodological individualism† are dealt in many contexts in the social sciences. In the book, â€Å"Rational Choice Theory: Advocacy and Critique†, Coleman and Fararo argues that models of purposive action or rational choice model can be useful in explaining and predicting human behavior. They further their argument by saying that â€Å"because the values and beliefs of individuals are shaped primarily by the socializing influences of society, especially as mediated through social relationships with significant other, an understanding of the culture and structure of societies and of the positions of individuals within them is necessary† (Coleman and Fararo 22). According to Coleman and Fararo, major problem for applying rational choice model particularly into Economics and Political Science, in which the primary interest has been in aggregate level outcomes, â€Å"is that the postulate of purposive action has been linked to arbitrary and narrow assumptions about what individuals value and believe† (Coleman Fararo 33). Also the assumption that human behavior is narrowly self-interested and the use of the term rationality to refer to the efficient pursuit of economic benefits has often produced incorrect assumption that rational choice model are innately egoistic; â€Å"that they regard individuals as calculating the expected benefit to themselves of alternative lines of action and acting accordingly (Coleman and Fararo 34). Recent empirical evidences suggest that human beings are capable of acting in ways for the interests of others or the social group above their self-interest, which implies that the assumption of individual’s pursuit of self-interest does not match with reality. Coleman and Fararo further their discussion of this â€Å"methodological individualism† by arguing that a social norm can be one primary example, which refutes the basic assumption of rational choice model. According to Coleman and Fararo, â€Å"When a social norm is know to have been violated, some type of formal or informal sanction will result† (Coleman Fararo 35). Formal sanction like a legal code or a set of rules and informal sanction like a disapproval or social ostracism would affect individual’s choice making process. Therefore, unlike the basic assumption of rational choice model suggests that human behavior is oriented from self-interest, by the effect of social norms and values, individuals can consequently act in altruistic or selfless way for pursuing the interests of groups they are involved in. Because of its limit and problematic nature of rational choice theory, the need for alternative explanation has become necessary for many scholars who criticize the theory. Dennis Chong provides some insights for the possible alternative of rational choice theory in his article, â€Å"Rational Choice Theory’s Mysterious Rivals†. According to Chong, even though Green and Shapiro’s critique against rational choice theory has failed to provide complete form of alternative explanation, there are some theoretical debates and discussions that suggest possible theoretical replacement or revision. Chong argues that, â€Å"Green and Shapiro occasionally allude to the influence of social-psychological and moral factors† such as group loyalties, emotions, political identities, ideology, obligation, and altruism (Friedman 47). As found in Coleman and Fararo’s arguments that institutional or social factors can affect individual’s choice making process, many scholars further their discussion of this social motivation as the alternative of rational choice theory. In his article, â€Å"When Rationality Fails†, Michael Taylor argues that social identification and intrinsic motivation can explain some of significant social phenomenon and collective action that has been ignored by rational choice theory; â€Å"If a person defines herself as a member of a group, or if her membership in a group is made cognitively salient, then she is more likely to observe the group’s norms and cooperate with group members in social dilemmas† (Friedman 230). For intrinsic motivation, Taylor explains that there are some activities that are intrinsically motivating people to be participated such as interesting work, volunteering, and political activities. In this case the activity itself or enjoyment of that activity is the reward for people. When extrinsic rewards like money are introduced, intrinsic motivation would diminish (Friedman 231). By suggesting the concept of social identification and intrinsic motivation, problems of rational choice model for explaining some collective action can be resolved. In this paper, a sense of how rational choice theory works and of its methodological foundations has been introduced. It has also been noticed that rational choice theory is not an ultimate answer. The theory is subject to a number of criticisms, but there is no doubt that its influence in various fields of study have brought tremendous amounts of theoretical debates, and increased the depth of economic, sociological, and political discussions. It is impossible to attain complete knowledge about anything, especially social phenomena. However, it is certain that rational choice approach is one of most crucial theoretical resources for human beings to explore and examine to gain this ultimate answer. It can be useful or misleading, depending on how it is treated. It is responsibility of remaining and future scholars and people to correctly apply and use this theory with open-minded attitude.

Comparison of Martin Luther King Jr and Malcom X Essay

They were black men who had a dream, but never lived to see it fulfilled. One was a man who spoke out to all humanity, but the world was not yet ready for his peaceful words. â€Å"I have a dream, a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed†¦ that all men are created equal. † (Martin Luther King) The other, a man who spoke of a violent revolution, which would bring about radical change for the black race. â€Å"Anything you can think of that you want to change right now, the only way you can do it is with a ballot or a bullet. And if you’re not ready to get involved with either one of those, you are satisfied with the status quo. That means we’ll have to change you. † (Malcom X) While Martin Luther King promoted non-violence, civil rights, and the end to racial segregation, a man of the name of Malcom X dreamed of a separate nation. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the conscience of his generation. A Southerner, a black man, he gazed upon the great wall of segregation and saw that the power of love could bring it down. From the pain and exhaustion of his fight to free all people from the bondage of separation and injustice, he wrung his eloquent statement of what America could be. (Ansboro, pg. 1) An American clergyman and a Nobel Peace Prize winner, he was one of the principle leaders of the American Civil Rights Movement and a prominent advocate of nonviolent protest. King’s challenges to segregation and racial discrimination in the 1950’s and 1960’s, helped convince many white Americans to support the cause of civil rights in the United States. After his assassination in 1968, King became the symbol of protest in the struggle for racial justice. (â€Å"King, Martin Luther, Jr. ,† pg. 1) In 1964, Malcom X founded an organization called â€Å"The Muslim Mosque, Inc. In an interview conducted by A. B. Spellman on March 19, 1964, Malcom speaks of his goals for this organization. â€Å"The Muslim Mosque, Inc. will have as its religious base the religion of Islam, which will be designed to propagate the moral reformations necesary to up the level of the so-called Negro community by eliminating the vices and other evils that destroy the moral fiber of the community. But the political philosophy of the Muslim Mosque will be black nationalism, as well as the social and economic philosophies. We still believe in the Honorable Elijah Muhammand’s solution as complete separation. The 22 million so-called Negroes should be separated completely from America and should be permitted to go back home to our native African homeland. † (Breitmaned, pgs. 5-6) Perhaps the key to these two African-Americans leaders opposing goals lay within their very different pasts. Malcom X was born in Omaha as Malcom Little. Malcom’s faith, a Baptist minister was an outspoken follower of Marcus Garvey, the black nationalist leader of the 1920’s. The family moved to Lansing, Michigan, and when Malcom was six years old, his father was murdered after receiving threats from the Ku Klux Klan. Malcom’s mother suffered a nervous breakdown and her eight children were taken by the welfare department. Malcom was sent first to a foster home and then to a reform school. After 8th grade, Malcom moved to Boston where he worked various jobs and eventually became involved in criminal activity. (Malcom X, pg. 1) In 1946, he was sentenced to prison for burglary. While in prison, Malcom became invested in the teachings of Elijah Muhammed, the leader of the black Muslims also called the Nation of Islam. Malcom spent his time in jail educating himself and learning more about the black Muslims, who advocated racial separation. When Malcom was released in 1952, he joined a black Muslim temple in Detroit and became the most prominent spokesperson for the Nation of Islam by the early 1960’s. It was then that he took the name of Malcom X. (â€Å"Malcom,† pg. 1) Martin Luther King was born in Alanta, Georgia, the eldest son of Martin Luther King, Sr. a Baptist minister, and Alberta Williams King. King attended local segregated public schools, where he excelled. He entered nearby Morehouse College at age 15 and graduated with a bachelors degree in sociology in 1948. After graduating with honors from Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania in 1951, he went to Boston University where he earned a doctoral degree in systematic theology i n 1955. (â€Å"King, Martin Luther, Jr. ,† pg. 1) Throughout King’s education, he was exposed to influences that related Christian theology to the struggles of oppressed peoples. At Morehouse, Crozer, and Boston University, he studied the teachings on nonviolent Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi. King also read and heard the sermons of white Protestant ministers who preached against American racism. He was married in 1953, and in 1954, he accepted his first pastorate at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, a church of well-educated congretions that had recently by a minister who had protested against segregation. (â€Å"King, Martin Luther, Jr. ,† pg. 1) Where as King was full of love, peace, respect, and compassion for his fellow white brother, Malcom X was full of hate, anger, and vengeance. He was a dark presence, an angry, cynical, implacable man whose good will or forgiveness or even pity the white race could neither earn nor buy. â€Å"Coffee,† he once remarked in an interview, â€Å"is the only thing I like integrated. † He also pleasantly mentioned that whites were inherently enemies of the Negroes and that integration was impossible without great bloodletting. Nonviolence was as he put it, â€Å"a mealy-mouth, beg-in, wait-in, plead-in kind of action,† and it was only a device for disarming the blacks. He also believed that everything we had heard to the contrary from the Martin Luther Kings and the Roy Wilkinses and the Whiteny Youngs was a deadly dangerous pack of lies. â€Å"That’s etiquette,† he said. â€Å"Etiquette means to blend in with society. They are being polite. The average Negro doesn’t even let another Negro know what he thinks, he’s so mistrusting. I’m black first- my whole objectives are black, my allegiance is black, my whole objectives are black. By me being a Muslim, I’m not interested in American, because America has never been interested in me. † (Goldman, pg. 5) Black blood, claimed Malcom X, is stronger than white. â€Å"A person can have a teaspoon of black in him, and that makes him black. Black can’t come from white, but white can come from black. That means black was first. If black is first, black is supreme and white is dependent on black. † He meant to haunt whites, to play on their fears and quicken their guilt and deflate their dreams that everything was getting better- and he did. â€Å"America’s problem is us. † Malcom X told whites that if they argued that the sins of the past ought not to visited on them, he would reply: â€Å"Your father isn’t here to pay his debts. My father isn’t here to collect, but I’m here to collect, and you’re here to pay. † (Goldman, pgs. 6-9) Martin Luther King is known for his key role as president of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA), the oganixation that directed the bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama. Montgomery’s black community had long standing grievances about the mistreatment of blacks on the city’s buses. Many white bus drivers treated blacks rudely, often cursing them and humiliating them by enforcing the city’s segregation laws, which forced black riders to sit in the back of busses and give up their seats to white passengers on crowded busses. By the 1950’s, Montgomery’s blacks discussed boycotting the busses in an effort to gain better treatment- but not necessarily to end segregation. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a leading member of the local branch of the NAACP, was ordered to give up her seat to a white passenger. When she refused, she was arrested and taken to jail. Local leaders of the NAACP, especially Edgar D. Nixon, recognized recently arrived King’s public speaking gifts as great assets in the battle for black civil rights in Montgomery. King was soon chosen as president of the MIA, the organization that directed the bus boycott.

Italian Film Studies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Italian Film Studies - Essay Example Being accustomed to the life of privilege, the Prince realizes this will change as soon as Sicily becomes a part of the United Kingdom of Italy (Tomasi 43). He later realizes that some things have to change for his aristocratic life to remain the same. He finally accepts the emergence and rise of the middle class; which he initially objected to. His strong hate for the rising middle class is clear in his objection to the relationship between his nephew and Angelica Sedara. Angelica is the daughter of one of the wealthy bourgeois families of Sicily. Later as the unification becomes a definite event, he changes his opinion regarding the relationship. He does this in contrary to the wishes of his daughter, Concetta; she is also in love with Tancredi. Don Fabrizio sees the marriage of the two as a way to restore wealth and status to his family. In addition to accepting this marriage, he also arranges the marriage of his daughter Concetta to the father of Angelica (Tomasi 68). Later in the movie, we see Fabrizio refusing to take a political seat as a Senator in the newly formed Italian government. He sees himself as a man caught in the crossfire between the old and the new. The ball, the penultimate scene of the movie, depicts the lavishness of Sicilian society, and it introduces Angelica to the same. In the end, we see the lonely figure of the Prince strolling in the darkness. Luchino Visconti together with the Giuseppe Tomasi all related to the movie’s thematic illustration of the change in the Italian society. Both were born in Italian and Sicilian aristocrat families, and they identified with the changes that resulted from the unification of the Italian states (Landy 152). The movie captures the ascension of the Italian middle class and the decent of the Italian aristocracy. Visconti aptly captures the uprooting of the Italian aristocracy due to the resurgence movement in the country. Luchino Visconti is famous for

Migration Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Migration - Coursework Example The elimination of wage differentials will bring the movement of labour and migration will not occur in the in the absence of such differentials. This problem only needs to be sorted out in each and every event. This theoretical view varies in different countries and governments must seek to understand different variables that will help in eliminating wage differences that cause migration. International flows of human capital in the case of highly skilled workers who seek diversity and would wish to work in countries whose estimates are slowly rising. This is usually done with an intent of establishing various factors of migration that may be difficult than that of unskilled workers. Labour markets are a special kind of markets where the primary mechanisms through the international flows of labour are induced (Massey et al 437). Other markets lack this special and accommodating feature. Lastly, a lasting solution to this foreign migration is for the Governments in charge to influence the labour markets by sending or receiving countries. Dual Labour market theory - Although neoclassical human capital theory and the new economics of migration can direct one to a divergent conclusion about the origin and nature of international migration, both are essentially micro-level decision models. Causation is cumulative in the fact that each act of migration alters the social context in which subsequent migration decisions are made, typically in ways that make additional movement more likely. This principle was proposed by Herbert A. Simon, who posited that bounded rationality is an alternative basis for the mathematical modelling of decision-making, as used in economics, political science and other related disciplines. This principle complements rationality as optimization that views decision making as a fully rational process of finding an optimal choice given the information is availed at the right time (Massey

Psychological Effects of Consumption Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Psychological Effects of Consumption - Essay Example The dynamics of consumerism in modern social life partially indicates a collapse of other narratives of progress like religious, ideological and other traditional community values which no longer occupy such a central place in the public priorities as they did a few decades before. In their absence, the only markers of progress are the relentless accumulation of market-based assets like stock market indices, property prices and disposable income. Now, even professional and educational qualifications, are subject to obsessive interest as clues to an individuals status in the society. Benjamin R Barber in his book Jihad vs. MacWorld aptly puts it by saying "Just beyond the horizon of current events lie two possible political futures-both bleak, neither democratic. The first is a retribalization of large swaths of humankind by war and bloodshed: a threatened Lebanonization of national states in which culture is pitted against culture, people against people, tribe against tribe-a Jihad in the name of a hundred narrowly conceived faiths against every kind of interdependence, every kind of artificial social cooperation and civic mutuality. The second is being borne in on us by the onrush of economic and ecological forces that demand integration and uniformity and that mesmerize the world with fast music, fast computers, and fast food-with MTV, Macintosh, and McDonald's, pressing nations into one commercially homogenous global network: one MacWorld tied together by technology, ecology, communications, and commerce. The planet is falling precipitantly apart AND coming reluctantly together at the very same moment" The growth of market freedom has not only produced mass participation in ever increasing frenzy in shopping trends; it has also fuelled the birth of new moral energies and social revolutions ranging from environmentalism to anti-sweatshop campaigns. A growing proportion of the present population would like to participate in 'ethical' consumption choices. The route to this synthesis lies in re- evaluating the basis of the self, and the practical meaning of 'choice' in the many different settings where the modern individual now has to exercise it. Hitherto, the debate has attempted to make a distinction of principle between 'consumers' and 'citizens' in order to demonstrate that consumerism is compatible with fair outcomes, or that 'citizenship' is an alternative to the market model which can provide excellent services fairly, depending on your social and financial position. Nevertheless, the distinction between consumer and citizen is seldom put to practice despite its meaningfulness. People and markets are embedded in social and civic contexts (Kay, 2003). As a result, our everyday consumption decisions are a ripple of myriad effects, not just on the price and availability of what we are consuming, but also on the public context in which we consume it. The dominant models of choice and progress currently do not allow us to evaluate individual acts of consumption for their widespread contribution to the social, public or environmental context. Choice is interpreted as a representation of expression of private freedom and fixed preferences and not as an act of participation amid imperfect information in a socially contingent setting. Likewise, the collective models of progress in which we are conditioned to believe tend

Chicano Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Chicano - Essay Example These people belonged to the poorest families in rural areas of Mexico, and did not had any identity in the society, used the term Chicano during the Civil rights Movement in order to amalgamate themselves so that they can be recognized by the world. Chicano descendents reflected distinctive culture of Mexican Americans (Arturo, pp. 197-208). The natives speaking slang language with different pronunciations mocked these people, which was an insult for them. The basis of Chicano was contradictory, as the pronunciation and spelling of Spanish language revolutionized causing discrepancy in differentiating between Chicano and Mexicano, but it was apparent that the word Chicano did not have any effect from this language change. The dual identity of Chicanos entails that these people have neither U.S. origin nor they reflect the Mexican society. This combination of customs of both the nations makes them strive for their acceptance into the American society while retaining their Mexican tra ditions and practices (Arturo, pp. 41-55). A culture reflects the traditions, beliefs, practices, customs, and lifestyles of any society or race. Likewise, Chicano also pertain a diversified culture (Isabel, pp. 63-67). The aspects of Chicano culture are mainly literature, arts, and music. ... 47-61). The people of Chicano possess a very simple yet a colorful lifestyle. The life of Chicanos does not characterize by technology; therefore, they depend upon natural resources to acquire information. These people have poor housing and do not have the access to health facilities. Because of the cultural restrictions, Chicanos have to marry a person of opposite sex within the same race (Isabel, pp. 23-38). They have a strong family relationship, where members are interdependent, and elders are open to suggestions from youngster. Chicano cuisine is famous for its dishes that are very delicious due to inclusion of variety of chilies in it. The basic sources of food such as beans, corn, and peppers are present in huge quantities in their food. The people consume simple, healthy, balanced, and short meals on specific times during the day. Life, death, family bonding, and religious practices are of prime importance to them. They are strong followers of Catholics and those who do not a bide by the obligations, have to face strict consequences. They believe that their religion gives them power to survive through the crises they come across, in their lives (Isabel, pp. 47-61). The idea of death for Chicanos is unlike the concept of death for any other faith as they have a pleasing relation with the dead. Spanish and Catholic have an immense influence on the concept of death for Chicanos. The traditions and practices include a wide variety of celebrations, amongst which the most significant event celebrated by the people of Chicanos is the ‘Day of the Dead’ (Johnston & Winter, pp. 10-14). It resembles the festival of Halloween, celebrated by Americans but the difference

The feminization of the Community Correction Work force by Jo G Case Study

The feminization of the Community Correction Work force by Jo G. Holland - Case Study Example The research problem of this research article is whether there is balance in the community corrections work force. The study used a number of questions to facilitate a systematic enquiry into the aforementioned research problem. The first question touches on the roles women have been given while participating in the corrections workforce. The second question enquires into the barriers that women have faced while pursuing careers in the corrections work force. The third question looks into how women counter barriers while engaged in the correctional work force. Support systems that provide opportunities for the enhancement of careers are the object of the fourth question. The last question is on the opportunities that the future holds for women to grow within the community corrections work force (Holland, 2008). This study’s data analysis used mean and percentages. For example, the average age of women working in the Virginia community correctional workforce is 35 years. Besides age, location is another demographic factor checked for in the analysis include in terms of whether urban or rural. The positions that the analysis considered are deputy and chief probation and parole officer and that of the administrator. The analysis considered the elements of ethnicity and population status (minority or not). This analysis also enquired whether respondents received mentorship or not. The need for networking among the women working in Virginia DOC was assessed. The analysis measured the percentage of women who received support from other women while participating in the correctional workforce. The study checked for the highest positions that women in the correctional workforce expected (Holland, 2008). The author makes a number of conclusions. She concludes that the correctional work force needs to be expanded in order to augment organizational processes. The